Tselovalnik usually referred to the innkeeper in the Kabak: the
Tsar's tavern. Often these innkeepers were Jews. The profits
earned by the consumption of vodka by peasants was very valuable
to the Tsarist government (Mikhail Saltykov, in "Tchinovnicks: Sketches
of Provincial Life", chapter "Times of Yore") that government revenue
from otkupshchik or откупщик
(revenue from vodka tax-farmers exceeds ⅔ of all governmental
revenue)! The Tsarist government held a dim view
of the peasants, preferring Jews as tselovalniki. The Tsar preferred
Jewish tselovalniki because the Jews were at the mercy of the Tsar: a
small minority. A Jewish minority was dispensible, while the peasants
were an essential majority. As the tselovalniki effectively
collected taxes for the Tsar, the peasants viewed Jews as predatory,
or at best, as predatory agents of the Tsar. The Kabak tselovalnik
sold vodka to peasants to the point that the peasants even sold their
clothes to buy more vodka, emerging from the Kabak literally naked.
In this sense, some of the Jewish tselovalniki may have acted
immorally, but as they acted as agents of the Tsar, they may have
been compelled to act this way. As kabaki often also doubled as brothels,
it can accurately be said that the Tsar acted as official pimp, the most
powerful procurer in all of Russia. See: "Vodka Politics: Alcohol,
Autocracy, and the Secret History of the Russian State", by Mark Schrad.
The tavern functioned as a store, bank, post-office, newspaper, place for
elections and political meetings, weddings and receptions. See: "The Jewish
Tavern-Keeper and his Tavern in Nineteenth Century Polish Literature",
by Magdalena Opalski, p. 59
Most Kabak or inns had Jewish tseloval'nik, but people other than Jews
served as tseloval'nik. Thus Pushkin writes in "Captain's Daughter", chapter
II, about a Yaizky Kazak (Яицкии Казак)
who is a tseloval'nik in a Postoyaly dvor (Постоялыи двор).
A Postoyaly dvor is an inn, usually surrounded by walls, where travelers can
eat and sleep if they choose, their horses fed and sheltered as well
(Click to see).
How much revenue Yaizky Kazak tseloval'niki contributed to the Tsar is not clear.
Similarly, Issak Babel writes about Armenian innkeepers. Gypsy barmen served
in Czárdas (old Hungarian for an inn) that existed in Wallachia
and Moldava (Click to see).
Karaite tavernkeepers also existed, See: "The Jewish Tavern-Keeper and his
Tavern in Nineteenth Century Polish Literature", by Magdalena Opalski, p. 37
"Jewish tavernkeeping in Eastern Europe goes back to the early modern Jewish-noble
symbiosis in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, wherein Jews helped to manage
nobles' estates by leasing aspects of the manor economy. An extremely profitable
way to create domestic markets for Polish grain, the production and sale of
alcoholic beverages developed into a major industry in Poland-Lithuania and its
successor states, including imperial Russia. Jews entered this market through the
arenda (lease holding) system, whereby they paid nobles for a variety of
market concessions, from leasing toll and bridge taxes to leasing flour mills and
taverns. Nobles leased almost exclusively to Jews, such that the term arrendator
(lessee) came to connote "Jew" in local parlance. For centuries, Polish rulers and
landowners had encouraged Jewish settlement to develop markets, and in that role,
Jews brought goods to the countryside, lent money, and served as the noble landowners'
managers and leaseholders."
"Confessions of the Shtetl: Converts from Judaism in Imperial Russia, 1817-1906",
by Ellie R. Schainker, p. 88.
"Leyb, the tavernkeeper, 'thought himself master of the tavern, [but] rarely sat
behind the counter; he had his own affairs, serious, important matters. He viewed
the tavern with disdain, as a two-bit operation fit only for women.' Indeed, in
Ansky's story it is Leyb's wife and daughter who manage the tavern and interact
with its raucous patrons. Ansky himself, born in a shtetl and raised in Vitebsk,
saw his mother run a tavern while his father was increasingly absent as he traveled
on business."
ibid, p. 96, from "In the Tavern", by S. Ansky (Semen Akimovich), or Shloyme Rapoport
". . . Ansky's later sketch about a tavern was undoubtedly drawn from his own experiences
growing up in a tavern. In an autobiographical mode, Ansky depicts a young Jewish female
tavernkeeper named Chanka (his own mother was Chana) who, along with her grandmother Malka,
runs the tavern. Contrary to Russian stereotypes of exploitative Jewish tavernkeepers,
Ansky depicts Chanka as caring for her drunken clients and even offering local Slavic
folk songs as antidotes to their socioeconomic despair."
ibid, p. 275 (footnote # 40)
Contracts were usually for a period of three years, during which time
leaseholders were obliged to pay the rent at specific points. They
sometimes also had to agree to list their children or wives as
collateral in case these conditions were not met. Such instances were
rare, but when they did occur it was exclusively children who were
taken as collateral, sometimes being forced to convert to Catholicism.
Burghers, relying on their municipal privileges, treated Jews who
produced and sold alcoholic beverages as hostile intruders depriving
burghers of potential income. A conflict of this sort led to a pogrom
in Leczyca in 1791.
See: "The Jewish Tavern-Keeper and his Tavern in Nineteenth Century
Polish Literature", by Magdalena Opalski
Note: Most Jews lived in Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, the Ukraine, Byelorussia, Walachia, and Moldova.
Enlightenment colonialization took place, in which Prussia, Austro-Hungary, and Russia seized Polish lands.
In the First Polish partition (1791), the Second Polish partition (1794), and the Third Polish
partition (1795), Russia suddenly found itself with a large Jewish population that inhabited what
was formerly Polish lands. Catherine the Great required all Jews (with few exceptions) to live
within the "Pale of Settlement" (Черта оседлости).
The word "pale", as in pallisade, or boundary. Borders changed frequently,
thus an area in the Pale of Settlement might be predominantly Russian Orthodox, or
Catholic, etc. Thus Jews might be forcibly converted to the Russian Orthodox religion,
or to Catholicism, etc. in the Wildfields (Ukraine, Ruthenia, Ruxlana or Руслана,
etc.). To get an idea of how divided the peoples (Russian Orthodox, Catholic, Jewish),
of the Ukraine were (are), read Taras Shevchenko's (Тарас
Шевченко) poem "Haidamaky"
(Гайдамаки). Consider the virulently
anti-semitic Symon Petlura (Симон
Петлюра), and Anton Denikin
(Антон
Деникин). Thus views of Jewish
tselovalniki are not surprisingly anti-semitic.
Look closely at the above painting by Perov. Perov was a keen observer
and wanted to tell the truth in his paintings. The Russian Orhodox
priest looks drunk, because he is drunk. Perov is not being anti-Russian
nor anti-religious, he is pointing out the facts.
"The Orthodox Church's multitude of holidays [holidays added as a
means to increase sales of vodka for the state] presented further
opportunities for the priest's undoing. During Easter, for instance,
the village priest proceeded from house to house with his holy icons.
At each peasant hut the distinguished guest was offered food and
drink. Lest he offend the master of the house and ensure never
receiving his help [pomoshch'1]
in the future, the priest dared not refuse the gift of vodka. 'By the
time he has gone through the whole village even the most cautious,
sturdiest soul hardly has the strength to perform his duty,' Bellyustin
reported. 'A priest who is less cautious or whose constitution is weaker
simply passes out. And what scandals do not occur when the priest is in
such a condition!' "
"...As early as the 1630s Adam Olearius described inebriated priests
who stumbled through the streets dispensing blessings in their underwear,
having pawned their cloaks. 'Since such spectacles may be seen daily,'
he claimed, 'none of the Russians are astonished by them.' Two and a half
centuries later, Bellyustin painted a similar picture of the typical
village priest as the ever-present, unwanted, and drunken guest who long
ago surrendered his piety to drunkenness, bribery, and thievery. These
pervasive, corrupting influences provide insight into the infamous
Russian proverb: 'All steal except Christ and He would
too, if his hands weren't nailed to the cross.' "
"Vodka Politics: Alcohol, Autocracy, and the Secret History of the
Russian State", by Mark Schrad, p. 106
(English transliteration)
Russian
definition
Citation page(s)2
arenda
аренда
lease (rent must be paid by leasee)
arendator, arendarz (Polish)
арендатор
Jewish leasee of a tavern, tavernkeeper, not necessarily a tselovalnik.
Rent typically paid to a nobleman, or landlord after serfs were freed.
Jews were sometimes leasees of mills, too.
"The Jewish Tavern-Keeper and his Tavern in Ninteenth-Century Polish Literature",
M. Opalski, p. 10, p. 82
czárda
czárda (Hungarian)
inn or tavern (not the dance: czárdá) in Wallachia and Moldava
kabak
кабак
tavern, pub, or pot house, where cold food (not hot food),
and drink can be had. Often are brothels.
p. 38, p. 100, p. 109
kabatchik
кабатчик
tavern or inn manager (may not be a tselovalnik), a bar man.
korchestvo
корчемство
illicit liquor outlet
p. 418
korchma
корчма
tavern (16th century) or pub where food and drink can be had (Ukrainian)
p. 418
korchmi
корчмы
pot still
p. 26
kruzhechnyi dvor
кружечный двор
pot house (17th century), liquor must be consumed off premises
p. 38, p. 418
otkupshchik
откупщик
tax farmer
p. 418
piteinyi dom
питейный дом
kabak
p. 418
podtolchek
подтолчек
jogging the customer's arm so that some liquor is spilt,
thus customers come back sooner for more liquor.
p. 110
pogrebok
погребок
drinking establishment, but no food is available
porter
портер
stout beer
p. 418
porternaya lavka
портерная лавка
beer stall
p. 418
postoyalyi dvor
постоялый двор
inn
p. 407
renskovye pogreba
ренсковые погреба
wine cellars
p. 419
shinkar', szynkarz (Polish)
шинкарь
Christian tavernkeeper (owner, Ukrainian)
"The Jewish Tavern-Keeper and his Tavern in Ninteenth-Century Polish Literature", M. Opalski, p. 36
shinok
шинок
tavern (Ukrainian)
p. 110, p. 413, p. 419
sidelets
сиделец
tseloval'niki (those who serve or sit in inns)
p. 419
traktir
трактир
tavern or pub where food and drink can be had
vedernye i shtofnye lavochki
ведëрные и штофные лавочки (маленькие лавки)
bucket and bottle stalls, drinks sold only for consumption off
premises and only in larger quantities (by the bucket)
p. 419
vodochnaya lavka
водочная лавка
temporary retail outlet (in a tent), at a bazaar, fair, or market, with licence
p. 108, p. 420
vodochnyi magazin
водочный магазин
vodka shop
p. 420
vremennaya vystavka
временная выставка
temporary retail liquor outlet (in a tent), at a bazaar, fair, or market, with licence
p. 108, p. 420
vystavka, or lavka
выставка, или лавка
temporary liquor outlet, a stall (in a tent)
p. 108, p. 420
"In the tavern, the tavern keeper is dictator. He knows only one authority - the authority
of the tax farmer; one law, that of the tax farmer; one goal, to rob the people, to rob
and rob again, using any method available. In his tavern one can find undermeasuring, short
change, theft of clothes of drunkards, pick-pockets, water served with a whiff of vodka in
it and a mixture of something spicy to deceive the taste, side dishes designed to sharpen
the thirst, together with all the various temptations to which animal life is subject,
music, women, and gatherings of various kinds, of thieves and robbers, slanderers, and
planners of criminal deeds. And from all this, gathered together by the art of the
tavernkeeper, a river of gold flows into the pockets of the tax farmers. On these dregs
(podonki, or подонки) of Russian life are
constructed immeasurable fortunes."
3
"The tavernkeeper was to maintain order in the tavern and on the street outside; to keep
samples from each bucket of liquor as supplied by the agents who delivered them; to sell
liquor according to the legal measures, 'and under no circumstances to measure them out
himself, but to allow the customer to do so'; to prevent by all means possible
undermeasuring, adulteration of drinks and official samples, or the practice of jogging
the customer's arm while liquor was being poured (podtolchek, or
подтолчек); never to sell drinks
on credit or in return for pledges 'which is most strictly forbidden'; to avoid all
relations of friendship with tax farm agents, and therefore never to offer them any
hospitality, or to lend them money'; to refrain 'as much as possible, from drinking, and
so on."
4
"Whether under direct instructions or not, most (tavernkeepers) employed the whole gamut
of tricks from the publican's traditional repertoire: false measures were used, money was
loaned usuriously in taverns, and drinks were adulterated, usually with water. As we have
seen, this last device was particularly important. Undermeasuring was equally important,
and could account, by some estimates, for another 10 per cent of the trade's real turnover.
It was made necessary by careful government control on the size of vodka containers. Many
customers were so used to undermeasuring that when they received a full measure of vodka,
they would pour some into a special container kept by the barman, as a matter of courtesy."
5
"Unable to sell the vast amounts of vodka distilled here and imported from the Baltic
provinces and the Ukraine for cash, the lessees of taverns [korchmy] have introduced a
system of trade which is extremely destructive for the local population. They sell on
credit, and in autumn they are paid back in cattle, grain, hay, and other products, not at
commercial prices, but at values fixed by the traders, who miss no opportunity to make
huge profits. Quite often a peasant will pay 1½ puds of flax for a bucket of vodka,
allowing it to be weighed, usually when not in a sober condition, on the trader's scales
... Often the tavernkeepers travel, under cover of autumn nights, around the local villages
with casks to gather the fruits of their work. In such cases, they get the householders,
their workers and their women and even children drunk, and then make themselves masters of
the house. And as, within 10 square versts one can find more than ten taverns, not counting
the cellars where liquor is also for sale, it is clear why nothing can be done by the
landlords to limit drunkenness."
6
"Whenever anyone pinched anything they would bring it to Ivanych [Jewish tavernkeeper].
Ivanych would take it without fear, and sometimes egged them on. Why are you complaining,
he would say. Can't you peek into Karp's or Sidor's room? Take something, don't be afraid.
There'll be vodka for you, and no one will ever raid my tavern. They'd need a deputy from
the office, and while they're getting one I will hide it or burn it in the stove. Near the
village in which his tavern stood there was a factory. Ivanych went to the clerk
[prikazchik, or приказчик].
'Each week,' he says, 'you have to hand out small change to your workers
[masterovii, or мастеровые],
which is bothersome to you, so why not pay in kind. This is what to do: On Saturday, send
me a list of the amount owing to each worker, and I will give them vodka, charging 3 k. a
ruble commission, which I will split with you 50:50. Then, each week, you can pay me in
larger amounts.' The clerk agreed. A worker comes into his tavern. He has no money, but
would dearly like a drink. Ivanych allows him a drink on credit, but at 35 k. instead of
30 k. a half-shtof. The worker agrees. Then, as the worker gets drunk, Ivyanch chalks up
3 half-shtofs instead of 2. In this way, the workers not only did not get their pay; but
they also got permanently in debt to Ivanych, and he made, over and above all expenses,
1,500 rubles in six months."
7
1
Pomoshch' (or помощь) is mutual aid
provided by villagers. Like a barn raising as practiced by the
Pennsylvania Dutch Amish or Mennonites.
2
"Living Water: Vodka and Russian Society on the Eve of Emancipation", by David Christian
3
ibid, p. 110
4
ibid, p. 113
5
ibid, pp. 113, 114
6
ibid, p. 114
7
ibid, p. 115
Note: It is pointed out that authors that are cited, such as I. G.
Pryzhov, are "... profoundly anti-semitic on the subject of Jewish
tavernkeepers ...", ibid., p. 112, footnote 46
On the Iberian peninsula (Portugal and Spain) during the 15th and 16th century,
Jews were compelled to convert to Catholicism. Such "New Christians"
were called "marranos" and had few options: conversion, extermination,
and occasionally expulsion. Jews were not the only peoples that suffered
religious discrimination. Andalusian Moslems were also compelled during the
15th and 16th century, and also had the same options. When these
"New Christians" converted, they were called "moriscos". However.
Jewish "marranos" or Jews compelled to religious conversion also existed
in Slavic countries such as Russia during the 19th century. These "marranos"
were called "marrany" (Марраны).
"Marranos" or "New Christians" often had to hide their identities
in Iberia during the 15th and 16th century, especially as this was the time of
the "Holy Inquisition" when being considered a crypto Jew or hidden Jew
could result in death. Thus the title of "marranos" in the above painting
is correct, as Jews were often faced with pogroms and extortionate state officials
in Russia. One way Jewish women might "legally" exit the ghetto created by enlightened
Catherine the Great's Pale of Settlement, was by using a
"Yellow Ticket".
Antisemitism & Criminalization: Terminology
Term
Meaning
Citation *
Cameralism
Cameralism refers to the policies of the Bureau of economics whereby state
revenues are maximized by removing concentrations of ethnic groups in specific
occupations while social order is maintained. Thus Jews would have to abandon
leaseholding (tavernkeeping), peasants would have to abandon praedial occupations.
Jews had to pay liquor concessions (leases) for taverns
(non Jews were exempt). Effectively, the state trained
Jews to use Christian fronts for taverns.
p. 56
Kwitki
Money (liquor vouchers) issued by noble landowners paid to
peasants valid only on the noble landowner's estate for
peasants to purchase liquor only in the noble landowner's
taverns. An infringment of state prerogatives. Sobriety oaths
(also antisemitic) administered by the clergy, also an
infringment of state prerogatives.
p. 73
Propinacja
Monopoly (ie: liquor monopoly).
p. 90
Rewir
Inverse of a ghetto. A ghetto is an explicit area where Jewish residencies
and businesses are required to be located. A rewir are explicit areas outside a
ghetto where Jewish residencies and businesses cannot be located.
Click to see.
p. 88
Stupajków
Tavern police.
p. 73
Supliki
Petitions to landowners.
p. 84
*
"Yankel's Tavern: Jews, Liquor, and Life in the Kingdom of Poland", Glenn Dynner
To avoid antisemitic restrictions placed upon taverns leased by Jews
such as those listed in the above table (both in cities as well as
in the countryside), Jewish tavernkeepers paid Christians to act
as "fronts". Ibid, p. 176.
A striking fact emerges when one visits the Russian cultural area: many "Russian"
words phrases, and cultural aspects are shared by other peoples such as Jews and
Poles. One is prompted by curiousity to explain this, especially as so much
destructive history divides the peoples that live in these areas (pogroms directed
against ALL these peoples). Religions differ: Poles (Catholic), Jews, and Russians
(Russian Orthodox), yet until very recently most of the peoples living in these
areas were pagan (indeed, all three of these peoples "double" or mix paganism with
their religions at this time). The typical peasant had religious icons in their huts
but a few centuries earlier, these icons were pagan figurines.
As a first explanation, it is easy to conclude that Jews began to assimilate, thus
words, ideas, foods, etc. began to become added to the "Yiddish" spoken by Jews.
However, an interesting observation shows that some of these words are not Russian
or Yiddish, but are German. Indeed, some of these words are Hebrew! Jews speak
Hebrew, but Russians don't. How did these Russians start to speak Hebrew? Put simply,
the languages spoken in the Russian area have an unexplained origin. Considering the
religious syncretism, what is going on here?
As an example of Jewish paganism, the ceremony of sacrificing a fowl during the
High Holidays as a scapegoat for man's sins. Known in Hebrew as kappārōt
and in Yiddish as kapores survived in northern Europe, but did not survive
in the Iberian Peninsula. A Jew would swing a live cock three times over his head.
Hens and roosters play a major role in pre-Christian and Christian Slavic and
German cultures. Up to the end of the 19th century Slaves were daubing a rooster's
blood on four corners of a dwelling, in an attempt to soften the anger of the house
god, the cock was also a typical offering among the Balkan Slaves, when building a
home, well or bridge. The Eastern Slavic practice of sacrificing a cock to cure
sick animals involved walking the animal around in a circle three times. Pre-Christian
German Slaves regarded the cock as the personal animal of their god Svantevit. The
worship of Svantevit could have been brought south by Slaves sold into slavery and
acquired by Jewish households. It has been noted that a black rooster or hen was a
pagan Slave offering for spirits on the occasion of a birth, marriage or funeral.
Germans, Slaves and Sorbs slaughter cocks and refer to the cock as "honač"
(Upper Sorbian), "honak" (Lower Sorbian), and "hahn" (German). Many
other examples are provided.
"The Ashkenazic Jews: A Slavo-Turkic People in Search of a Jewish Identity",
by Paul Wexler. Some salient observations drawn from this book, pp. 171-172.
An interesting view that sheds light on these questions has been expressed in
"The Ashkenazic Jews: A Slavo-Turkic People in Search of a Jewish Identity",
by Paul Wexler. Some salient observations drawn from this book, pp. 241-246.
The origional Ashkenazic Jews in German lands are not of French and Italian
Jewish origin, but are descended primarily from non-Jewish, Slavic and Turkic (Khazar)
converts (mostly pagan) of Balkan origin that migrated to Germano-Sorbian lands.
Yiddish is not a variant of High German, but is a form of Slavic Sorbian.
Slavic lexicon adopted, but Jewish Germano-Sorb grammar and phonology maintained.
Re-lexification from Judeo-Balkan Slavic, then a second re-lexification to
Judeo-Sorbian followed by a third re-lexification to High German to yield Yiddish.
The Jewish migration to northern Europe resulted in an assimilation of the local Slavic
language which evolved into a Judeo-Sorbian, with a high percentage of a High German
lexicon in replacement of a Slavic lexicon (from Greek, Romance, Slavic and Arabic).
Much of the Ashkenazic religion, folk practices and ethnic practices were of Slavic
origins. Only Jews were speakers of the three Balkan languages: Slavic, Romance, Greek.
Assimilation of Pagans and Christians into Judeo-Sorbian/Yiddish communities resulted in:
Massive use of Hebraisms in Yiddish.
Non-Hebrew components were Hebraized or replaced by similar-sounding Hebraisms.
New "Hebraisms" coined by Yiddish speakers to replace Yiddish and written Hebrew.
The situation in Russia or the Ukraine as the Ukraine became increasingly associated
with Russia c. 1795 (Third Polish partition) was different than the situation in
Poland. The Poland was less centralized. To get an idea of the situation in Poland
click here.
References
Ansky, S.; "In the Tavern"
Burszta, J.; "Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej",
Vol. 4, 1955, pp. 752-782, "Materiały do techniki spławu
rzecznego na Sanie i średniej Wiśle z XVII i XVIII w."
Dynner, Glenn; "Yankel's Tavern: Jews, Liquor, and Life in the Kingdom of Poland"
Hundert, Gershon; "The Jews in a Private Town: The Case of Opatów in the Eighteenth Century"
Hundert, Gershon; "The Role of Jews in Commerce in Early Modern Poland-Lithuania",
The Journal of European Economic History, Vol. 16, No. 1, 1987, pp. 245-275
Levine, Hillel; "The Gentry, Jews, and Serfs: The Rise of Polish Vodka"
Review, A Jiournal of the Fernand Braudel Center for the Study of Economies, Historical Systems, and Civilization, Vol. IV, No. 2, 1980, pp. 223-250
Litwin, Henryk; "The Polish Magnates, 1454-1648: The Shaping of an Estate"
Polska Akadenia Nauk, Komitet Nauk Historycznych Instytut Hisorii, Acta Poloniae Historica, Vol. 53, 1986, pp. 63-92
Maimon, Solomon; "The Autobiography of Solomon Maimon"
Opalski, Magdalena; "The Jewish Tavern-Keeper and his Tavern in Nineteenth Century Polish Literature"
Mickiewicz, Adam; "Pan Tadeusz"
Rosman, M. J.; "The Lords' Jews: Magnate-Jewish Relations in the Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth during the Eighteenth Century"
Schainker, Ellie R.; "Confessions of the Shtetl: Converts from Judaism in Imperial Russia, 1817-1906"
Schrad, Mark; "Vodka Politics: Alcohol, Autocracy, and the Secret History of the Russian State"
Teller, Adam; "Money, Power, and Influence in Eighteenth-Century Lithuania: The Jews on the Radziwiłł Estates"
Teller, Adam; "Tradition and Crisis? Eighteenth-Century Critiques of the Polish-Lithuanian Rabbinate",
Jewish Social Studies: history, culture, society, The New Series, Vol. 17, No. 3, 2011, pp.1-39
Waligórska, K.; "Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej", Vol. 8, 1960, pp. 229-241,
"Konstrukcja statków pływających po Sanie i Wiśle
w XVIII w."
Wexler, Paul; "The Ashkenazic Jews: A Slavo-Turkic People in Search of a Jewish Identity"
Wischnitzer, Mark; "A History of Jewish Crafts and Guilds"
Wyrobisz, Andrzej; "Functional Types of Polish Towns in the XVI-XVIIIth Centuries",
The Journal of European Economic History, Vol. 12, No. 1, 1983, pp. 69-103
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